The Andaman and Nicobar peninsula are home to various indigenous tribes as well as biodiverse species of flora and fauna. They also contain about 30 percent of India’s Exclusive Economic Zones. Historically, the Indian government has sought to preserve the peninsula in its “existential setting against the pulls of exploitative enticements. ”The governance parameters of the islands are regulated under a protectionist regime to ensure the preservation of natural resources. The state machinery was also designed in a way that imposes structural limitations on development projects. In addition, these were further sustained by environmentalists, anthropologists, and social scientists and backed by the Supreme Court, which favored environmental conservation in its judgments regarding the islands. For instance, in 2002, the Supreme Court responding to an appeal by three non-profit organizations stated that “There should be no expansion of monoculture or commercial plantations on Forest Land. Moreover, the existing plantations of oil palm, rubber, and teak are reportedly no longer viable and should be phased out. ”
Furthermore, again, in July 2011, in T. N. Godavarman Thirumulpad vs Union Of India & ORS, the Supreme Court ruled that “Tropical rain/moist woodland, particularly in areas like Arunachal Pradesh, Kerala, Andaman & Nicobar archipelago should be totally safeguarded. No jungle should be permitted to be worked without the ministry having proved the management plan in a prescribed form that has kept the National Forest Policy. ”Over time, the reef protectionist governance practices, reinforced by this legal judjudgmentsed to the isolation of the peninsula from the surge of advancement in the mainland. Today the primary livelihood activities of the residents of the enclave continue to be agriculture, forestry, and fishing. The territory contributes the lowest to India’s overall GDP amongst all other states and UT's.
In recent years, the growing aspirations of the Andaman and Nicobar peninsula residents—and the national interest to strengthen ties with Southeast Asia—have prompted the government to seek a strategy that would rationalize economic growth with environmental protectirationalizee “all all-foundational evolution. ”Thus, changes are gradually being witnessed in how the territory of the ANI is being governed.
In 2015, the ministry announced an INR 100, 000-million plan to develop the peninsula into the country’s first maritime hub under the supervision of the Andaman and Lakshwadeep Harbor Works, funded by the Ministry of Shipping and the Andaman and Nicobar peninsula administration. Besides, the project aims to develop the infrastructure necessary for a maritime hub and other facilities needed for its functioning, such as telecommunications, electricity, and water. Also, as a mark of the ANI’s increasing importance in India’s strategic discourse, PM Modi visited the islands in December 2018 for the first time, inaugurating several improvement projects on signaling, energy, and travel, signaling an end to the peninsula's isolation. In a further manifestation of declining protectionism, tourism received a boost in 2019, when a new Island Coastal Regulation Zone Notification was promulgated, allowing land reclamation for ports, harbors, and jetties. This is expected to usher in luxury touristry in Smith, Aves, and Long Islands, and water aerodromes in Neil and Havelock islands. For a plethora of years, only 7 percent of the entire peninsula chain had been developed, with the rest demarcated as protected areas.
Most recently, in 2020, the Chennai-Andaman and Nicobar undersea internet cable was inaugurated to provide a high-speed internet connection to seven remote islands on the ANI chain—i. e. , Swaraj Dweep (Havelock), tiny Andaman, Car Nicobar, Kamorta, Great Nicobar, Long Island, and Rangat. This will also facilitate trading and travel on the peninsula. If the geographic significance of the islands is to be converted to strategic utility, improvement must percolate into all aspects of its administration.
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